Abortion across the UK

My Lords, many of you will know that the Church of England’s view on abortion is one of principled opposition, recognising that there can be limited conditions under which abortion may be preferable to any available alternatives. This is based on the belief in the infinite worth and value of every human life, however old or young, including life not yet born.

Those were the words of Sarah Mullally, Archbishop of Canterbury, during a House of Lords debate in March 2026 on the government’s Crime and Policing Bill. The Bill contained a clause that would decriminalise abortion up to birth. The Archbishop went on: “The infinite value of human life is a fundamental Christian principle which underpins much of our legal system, and has shaped existing laws on abortion. All life is precious.”

Abortion has become such an accepted practice for many British people that the idea of ‘principled opposition’ to abortion might seem strange and archaic. Here is a brief outline of the state of abortion attitudes and legislation across the UK today:

The number of abortions each year has been steadily rising over recent years, especially since the COVID-19 pandemic. The most recent figures, for 2023, show that around one in three pregnancies end in abortion.

Public support for abortion appears strong, although it depends greatly on the scenario. 95% of people believe abortion should be allowed if the mother’s health is in danger, and 89% believe it is right if the child might have a serious health condition. However the support drops to 76% for abortion if the mother decides she doesn’t want a child, 72% if a couple cannot afford more children, and 68% if the mother is not married and does not want to be.

Support for abortion has increased over the past forty years with 39% of people supporting abortion if the mother doesn’t want the child in 1983, to 76% in 2022.

The first references to abortion in English law appeared in the 13th century, following the church’s teaching that the fetus became a person at ‘quickening’, the point where the fetus is felt to move within the womb. in 1803 the Ellenborough Act made abortion after this point punishable by the death penalty. This law was amended in 1837 to remove the distinction between abortion before and after quickening.

In 1861 the Offences Against the Person Act made performing an abortion, or trying to self-abort a pregnancy, a crime with a sentence of life imprisonment. The Infant Life Preservation Act of 1929 then made a new crime of killing a viable fetus (which at the time was understood to be 28 weeks) except when the mother’s life was at risk.

The next major change in UK law came in 1967 with the passing of the Abortion Act, introduced as a Private Member’s Bill by Liberal Party MP David Steel. The law came into effect in April 1968 and made abortion legal in England, Wales, and Scotland. Every abortion needs to be approved by two medical professionals before it can proceed, and must be carried out at an NHS hospital or a licensed clinic.

The Abortion Act made abortion legal up to 24 weeks under certain conditions: if continuing the pregnancy would involve risk to the physical or mental health of the mother or any existing children, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated. Abortion is also permissible after 24 weeks when the termination is necessary to prevent permanent injury to the physical or mental health of the mother, if there is a risk to the life of the mother, or if there is a substantial risk of the baby being born with serious physical or mental disability. If the abortion is deemed necessary to save the life of the mother, or to prevent serious permanent injury, it is not necessary to get a second medical professional to approve the procedure, and there are no restrictions where it can be carried out.

Most abortions in the UK (over 98%) are carried out under an interpretation of the criterion that allows a termination if it would adversely affect the mental health of the mother. Around 2,500 to 3,000 abortions each year occur on the grounds of physical or mental disability, and more than 90% of pregnancies that screen positive for Down’s Syndrome are aborted. A very small number of abortions (0.03% or around 80 a year) occur because of risks to the life of the mother.

In 1974 the Labour MP James White introduced a Private Member’s Bill which would have restricted the reasons why someone could get an abortion, and who could perform one. The Bill went through two readings in the Commons but did not eventually succeed. The campaign against White’s Bill led to the formation of the National Abortion Campaign.

The Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill in 1990 introduced various controls over the techniques that could be used to help with fertility. It also lowered the legal time limit for abortion from 28 weeks down to 24 weeks which was the currently accepted time after which the fetus could survive outside the womb. Further attempts to reduce the limit further over subsequent years have all failed.

In 2021 an attempt was made to remove the legal allowance for abortion up to birth in cases of non-fatal disabilities, such as Down’s syndrome, cleft lip and palate, and club foot. The amendments were not added but did receive some significant support.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, provision was made for at-home abortions for women who have been pregnant for less than 10 weeks. This involves women taking two drugs outside of a supervised medical environment. Since these drugs were mailed to women who requested them, the scheme was dubbed ‘pills by post’. Following the pandemic, attempts were made to stop the scheme being made permanent, and arguing for the return of in-person appointments. Collaboration between the major abortion providers, and support from the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, however, led to the scheme being made permanent.

In June 2025, the House of Commons approved a clause in the Crime and Policing Bill which removed the criminalisation of abortion. This amendment removed women from offences in the Offences Against the Person Act 1861, and the Infant Life (Preservation) Act 1929 in relation to their own pregnancies. This means that a woman who chooses to terminate their pregnancy outside of the abortion rules, including after 24 weeks, would no longer be investigated by the police or face prosecution. The law would still make it illegal to assist someone in ending their pregnancy outside of the current rules. The Crime and Policing Bill gained Royal Assent and became law in April 2026

Pursuit of pro-life legislation has been difficult in recent years. Not only do most of the British Public support the idea of abortion, but medical bodies such as the British Medical Association have advocated for abortion as a healthcare right. Many advocates for abortion argue that the Offence Against the Person Act (1861) as the basis of much abortion law is outdated. Organisations like Amnesty International and the World Health Organisation say that safe and legal abortion is a fundamental human right, and the right to bodily autonomy has been the basis of many arguments from advocates over recent years.

Devolution in Northern Ireland means that abortion law should be a devolved matter for the Northern Ireland Assembly. However, in 2019 Westminster imposed abortion laws on Northern Ireland, as the Northern Ireland Executive was not in place at the time. The changes repealed sections of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 for Northern Ireland, established a moratorium on abortion-related prosecutions, and introduced a new legal framework for abortion.

The Abortion (Northern Ireland) Regulations 2020 made abortion available in Northern Ireland up to 12 weeks for any reason. After 12 weeks the law is similar to that in the rest of the UK. There is a similar clause for conscientious objection, provided that the abortion is not necessary to save the life of the mother. Further legal amendments were made to the legislation to fund abortion services across Northern Ireland.

For the 2024 general election, the Liberal Democrats were the only main political party to mention abortion specifically in their manifesto. They pledged to protect independent decision-making over reproductive health without state interference, as well as enforcing buffer zones around abortion clinics and hospitals providing abortions.

Despite not making explicit mention in their manifestos, the other main political parties have generally been supportive of abortion, in line with general public acceptance of the practice. The Labour Party’s manifesto states that they “will prioritise women’s health as we reform the NHS”. A document released by their National Policy Forum stated that it “believes that abortion is an essential part of health care which is highly regulated and should not be subjected to custodial sanctions. Labour will provide parliamentary time for free votes on modernising abortion law to ensure women do not go to jail for getting an abortion at a vulnerable time”. This was reflected in the decriminalisation of abortion added to the Crime and Policing Bill, which was passed in March 2026.

The Conservative Party has historically had fewer MPs with a pro-abortion stance, compared to the Labour Party. Nevertheless, the Party has not pledged to change the law on abortion if elected and has had a track record of funding international programmes that promote abortion overseas.

The Green Party made no mention of abortion in their 2024 manifesto, nor do they state a position on their website. However, it is generally accepted that they are pro-abortion and likely to support such legislation.

Reform UK have no published stance on abortion, and their leader, Nigel Farage, has usually avoided taking a position on the issue. Danny Kruger said in 2022 (when he was still a Conservative MP) that he disagreed with a woman’s ‘absolute right to bodily autonomy’; he later said that his comments were ‘misunderstood’ and he supported the Abortion Act. The Reform candidate for the 2026 Makerfield by-election, Robert Kenyon, said on social media that “abortion is the cowardly act of murdering a defenceless baby” and subsequently deleted his account. In 2025 Reform appointed Cambridge professor James Orr as senior advisor to Nigel Farage. Orr does not believe that abortion should be allowed at any stage of pregnancy.

Restore Britain, set up by Rupert Lowe after he was suspended by Reform in 2025, has stated their aim to pursue ‘pro-family policy’ including reversing changes that permit abortion up to birth.

The only other UK political party with a clear anti-abortion position is the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland. Their 2024 election manifesto declares the party to be “unashamedly pro-life” and commit to supporting legislation that affirms the value of all life. They also oppose the criminalisation of prayer and restrictions on those who express pro-life views in public.

We have come a long way even since the introduction of the Abortion Act in 1967. Abortion has become normalised in many people’s minds, and the number of abortions continues to increase. Yet a great many Christians still hold to the position articulated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, of ‘principled opposition’. At CARE we continue to advocate for the vulnerable and voiceless, including those who are unborn. While the flow of legislation and popular opinion seems to be against us, we pray for the tide to turn and for the life of all to be upheld and valued.